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This volume assesses the European Union (EU) as a 'Diplomatic Actor' in key foreign policy fields in the post-Lisbon era. It brings together.
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J Koops; G Macaj. Walmart Tell us if something is incorrect. Add to Cart. Free delivery. Arrives by Friday, Sep Free pickup Fri, Sep Ships to San Leandro, Davis St. Product Highlights It brings together leading scholars and practitioners in order to examine the main players, processes and outcomes of the EU's collective diplomatic engagement in the fields of security, human rights, trade and finance and environmental politics.

In addition, the collection also analyses institutional developments and the EU's responses to major internal and external challenges in the context of international politics and global diplomacy. It provides the first comprehensive overview of the scope, nature and impact of the EU's growing role as a diplomatic actor and offers a comparative analysis of EU diplomacy in bilateral, multilateral and international fora. By taking stock of the successes and failures of EU diplomacy, this volume identifies the main internal and external conditions that shape the EU's influence in global affairs.

Manners , p. From fundamental human rights to stable institutions, the EU has been trying to portray its norms on the rest of the world. The Normative Power Europe thesis holds that it does so successfully. For Manners , p. Scholars have developed the concept and studied it empirically across cases. Other scholars have proposed other adjectives, such as ethical power Aggestam, , structural power Keukeleire, , and market power Damro, Several have contested the concept arguing that the EU is a normal or realist power and behaves like any other state Hyde-Price, ; see also Duke, Given the prominence of the Normative Power Europe thesis, it is important to also mention different critiques.

First, some argue that the EU is hardly alone as a normative power. The United States, after all, equally promotes democracy and human rights Sjursen, , p. A second critique concerns the legitimacy of EU norms, which Manners seems to take for granted. Sjursen , pp.

Perhaps the most potent critique is that Normative Power Europe can be seen as a product of its time Bickerton, , pp. The debate coincided with the U. It became fashionable in Brussels to portray the EU as advancing respectable norms with support for international law.

This rhetoric was uncritically used by Normative Power Europe advocates as evidence of their thesis Hyde-Price, , p.


Furthermore, the s and s were the Golden Age of European integration. Through enlargement, the EU promoted its norms in candidate countries. In global governance it had a prominent voice in discussions such as climate change. As we move further into the 21st century, this is becoming increasingly less likely.


The Normative Power Europe thesis is thus losing some of its original appeal. Publications on realist and market power have provided balance Damro, ; Hyde-Price, The debate on what type of actor the EU represents continues to date. Scholars still discuss to what extent the EU is an actor and, if so, what its external identity is e. The changing international order, in which the emerging powers increasingly compete for influence, presents furthermore a new challenge for EU as an international actor.

It forces the EU to rethink the role of norms and interests in its foreign policy. Many emerging powers also attach importance to sovereignty, which naturally complicates the life of the EU as an unconventional international actor. Research on the EU as an international actor will therefore remain important in the years to come. If the EU can be conceptualized to a certain degree as an international actor, this immediately triggers the question of how EU foreign policy relates to national foreign policy. After all, for the EU to be an actor requires a degree of autonomy from its member states.

It should be considered a separate unit in the international system. Under the label of Europeanization theory, scholars have debated the interaction between EU-level foreign policy and national-level foreign policy. What also needs to be clarified is whether EU foreign policy complements, replaces, or competes with national foreign policy. Many focused on traditional EU regulatory policies, such as the transport, cohesion, and environmental policies, which needed to be implemented nationally. Although the effects of Europeanization are considered to be weaker in foreign policy than in regulatory policy, the concept has proved useful in analyzing the relations between EU and national foreign policy.

Interaction is typically considered a two-way street. Member states try to use EU foreign policy to pursue their own interests.

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Yet, at the same time, they are also subject to European demands. Most member states have limited capacities and difficulty achieving international impact.

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Rather than pursuing unilateral foreign policy, they may decide to act through the EU structures. The EU not only often gives the member states more leverage, it also protects them when dealing with the great powers. Rather than addressing Russia themselves, for example, the Baltic states much prefer to go through Brussels. Also, when it comes to discussing human rights with China, member states tend to voice their concerns through the EU rather than national channels of diplomacy.

One way of looking at EU foreign policy is thus as a continuation of national foreign policy through different channels. Scholars working in the Europeanization tradition analyze to what extent the member states are successful in projecting their national interests to the EU level Wong, The idea of national projection is uncontroversial in the academic literature.

The European Union as a Diplomatic Actor

It is well known that member states act through international institutions when it suits them. EU foreign policy is not different. A more contested proposition is whether we also see a Europeanization of national foreign policy, that is, whether member states have adapted their national foreign policies as a result of EU membership and participation in EU foreign policy.

When examining national adaptation processes, we can distinguish between changes in terms of norms and identity, procedures, and substance. It is worth discussing these separately. Through participating in the formulation and conduct of EU foreign policy, foreign ministers and national diplomats familiarize themselves with EU policies as well as the practices and interests of other member states. Socialization between elites does not mean that they immediately discard national interests, but they may develop a better understanding of the other member states and internalize European norms of behavior and thinking.

Participation in the CFSP has also resulted in new institutional structures. This is significant. Pomorska , for instance, shows that the participation in the CFSP has been a driver for modernization for the Polish foreign ministry since it joined the EU in Finally, we can identify a Europeanization of the substance of national foreign policy.